Recipe: Outdated Wagon Practice American-Model Barleywine

When it comes to barley wine, the American way is to balance all that rich malt and alcoholic warmth with an invigorating dose of hops. Here is a recipe for a partial mash extract that you can drink fresh or lay down for months.

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To compare and contrast this with a more British-inspired setting, check out our recipe for English style Olde Wagon barley wine. For more information on extract brewing a great barley wine, see No breaks for the bad guys: Barleywine, Done Briskly.

PARTIAL MACH

Lot size: 5 gallons (19 liters)
Brewhouse efficiency: 72%
AND: 1,117
FG: 1,026
IBUs: 69
ABW: 12.4%

MALT / GRAIN BILL
14 lb (6.4 kg) light colored liquid malt extract (LME)
1 lb (454 g) win
1 pound (454 g) grape sugar
8 oz (227 g) crystal 120L

HOPS & SUPPLEMENTS SCHEDULE
2.5 oz (71 g) warrior at 60 minutes [49 IBUs]
2 oz (57 g) Centennial at 15 minutes [13 IBUs]
14 g Chinook after 15 minutes [4 IBUs]
1 Whirlfloc tablet after 15 minutes
1 teaspoon (5 ml) yeast nutrient after 10 minutes
2 oz (57 g) cascade at 5 minutes [3 IBUs]
2 oz (57 g) Chinook in the event of flame failure

YEAST
2 bags of Fermentis SafAle US-05

DIRECTIONS
Grind the grains and put them in a mesh grain bag. Soak in 1 gallon (3.8 liters) of 152 ° F (67 ° C) water for 30 minutes, then raise the temperature to 168 ° F (76 ° C). Remove the bag, rinse the kernels, and add another 5 gallons (19 liters) of water to your kettle, then bring it to a boil. Turn off the heat and add the malt extract in portions, being careful not to burn it. Return the heat and achieve a rolling simmer. Cook for 75 minutes, add hops, whirlfloc and yeast nutrients according to schedule. Cool the wort to 17 ° C, ventilate well and put the yeast on. Let the fermentation continue for at least 2 weeks. When the final weight is reached, pack and carbonate. Let the beer condition for at least 2 months.

BREWER’S NOTES
To give barrel-aged or spirit character, soak roasted American oak chips in your favorite spirit on the day of brewing. Place the chips in the fermenter about 5-7 days before packing.

Annie Johnson is a seasoned R&D brewer, IT specialist, and national beer judge. Her awards include the 2013 American Homebrewer of the Year awards.

How American-Fashion Federalism Is Harmful to Our Well being

Now that widespread vaccinations have started to ease the terror of COVID-19, it is time to look back on what we learned. Under the headlines is an important question: Have Americans suffered more than necessary under the nation’s federal system?

Unfortunately, the answer is yes: the federalism practiced in the United States was unhealthy. The coronavirus death rate in the United States ranks fifth among the largest nations in the worldbehind Italy and the United Kingdom, but well ahead of France, Sweden, Chile, Austria, South Africa and Russia.

The US went into the pandemic with a public health system and national health authorities that much of the world envied. The virus hit the American coast with a fair warning so there was an opportunity to prepare. And as the pandemic progressed, many of the worst coronavirus variants hit this country later than other countries, giving us an opportunity to learn from the experiences of others. But the virus has ravaged the country and undermined the excellent reputation of the country’s public health system.


In March 2020, Dr. Anthony Fauci, he expected the pandemic could kill 100,000 to 200,000 AmericansNumbers that looked stunning at the time. More than a year later, the number is approaching 600,000. The Lancet, the British medical journal, has been published an analysis Last February it was concluded that 40 percent of deaths would be preventable if the US had followed the same course as other major industrialized nations. Andrew Atkeson, a UCLA economist, argued that with better testing, masking, and social distancing, American deaths could have been kept to less than 300,000. Even the Trump administration’s coronavirus coordinator, Dr. Deborah Birx, completed that hundreds of thousands of deaths could have been prevented.

So it’s impossible to avoid the conclusion that America could have done much better in the fight against COVID-19. A bigger debate is whether American-style federalism was particularly to blame.

Among the federal systems, similar to our own, where powers are divided among the levels of government, the death rate was higher in Brazil, but the US ranked second, higher than Mexico, Germany, Switzerland and Australia. The death rate in the US was almost three times higher than that in Canada.

It would be a reasonable guess that, due to shared authority, federal systems are more struggling with COVID-19 than unitary systems, where central governments make most of the decisions. But this assumption does not work. Uniform systems such as that of the United Kingdom, France, Israel and Denmark did not show any significant differences in the pandemic. Even more central federal systems like India and Brazil did not perform better than more decentralized systems like Switzerland and the US

Americans suffered more from COVID-19 because the decentralized system of federalism simply failed to meet the challenge. Instead of asserting Washington’s authority, President Donald Trump chose to divert measures against the states. Governance varied widely, from states like Florida and Texas, whose governors had to be dragged into masking and social distancing, and who fought local shutdowns, to states like Washington and Oregon, who became national leaders after the first few weeks of the virus Toll. A look around the globe shows that the most successful nations were those with strong national hand control policies, with an equally strong commitment of local governments in partnership to national policy.

COVID-19 affected every part of the United States, but not all parts equally. It has proven itself six times more deadly in New Jersey, New York and Massachusetts than in Alaska, Vermont and Hawaii. As with so many other political issues, the likelihood of Americans dying from COVID-19 depended heavily on where they lived. Rhode Island’s death rate is similar to that of Arizona, and that of Maryland is almost the same as that of Kentucky. In between, Delaware is almost identical to Kansas. The data does not contain a red / blue status pattern.

Death rate from COVID-19 per 100,000 people as of May 21, 2021

kettl-Federalism-Health-State-Chart.jpg

But the variations frame a great mystery. Has the Trump administration’s aggressive efforts to push big decisions to states made the crisis worse, forcing so many states to keep reinventing the wheel, wasting valuable time and making more Americans suffer? Or did it help the country’s overall response because at least some states were able to break away from the others and put in place more aggressive pandemic control policies that also helped protect them from the inaction of the national government?

There is no doubt that some states and municipalities have used this flexibility to tremendous advantage. One of the hardest hit cities, Seattle, became a national model over time. In fact, if every local government and state had followed their example, the death toll would have halved and 300,000 Americans would still be alive today.

This is a powerful argument in support of Justice Louis Brandeis’ argument that states are laboratories of democracy. But in general, states have not shown very good laboratories at dealing with the pandemic. Writing about his own government’s response in Switzerland, Danny Buerkli, co-founder of a government reform laboratory, made a strong point that is even more true of the US: he wrote, “Experiment a lot” but “learn very little”. In the US, there was simply no mechanism for collecting nationally what the states and their cities were learning, and this hampered the American response. In fact, one of the most profound breakdowns in the United States was not even realizing that this was an essential question in dire need of a solid answer. This, in turn, weakened the national hand on the COVID-19 steering wheel and the ability of states to function as real laboratories.

The same challenges are now flowing into the Campaign to Vaccinate Americans, where big differences emerge again. There are large differences in income, class, and race in who is vaccinated, but there are others major socio-economic drivers also: States with a higher percentage of uninsured residents have a lower vaccination rate. The higher the proportion of residents with good internet access, the higher the vaccination rate. Both indicators reflect problems with access to health care in general, the registration process for vaccinations in particular, and greater inequalities in health care across the country.

This is the most fundamental problem with the American response to COVID-19. The country has massive inequalities, which COVID-19 demonstrated and, in turn, accelerated the pandemic. Federalism has proven to be detrimental to health, largely because it has helped widen the gap between health and belongings in American society.

The only way to reduce this national divide is to act nationally in close partnership with states. We are further away from it now than ever before. Not only does this threaten broader efforts to reduce inequality in the US, but it also prepares us for another fall when the next pandemic inevitably occurs.

Governing’s columns of opinion reflect the views of their authors, and not necessarily those of the editors or management of Governing.

American-style voter ID legal guidelines are coming to Britain

May 15, 2021

V.OTING IN MAINLAND UK is amazingly easy. You show up at a polling station and give your name and address. An officer finds your name on a list, draws a line through the list, and then gives you your ballot. The question must have occurred to many people: Couldn’t someone else pretend to be me?

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A lot of Britons believe that a lot happens. In early 2019, pollster Ipsos MORI found that 58% of respondents thought someone else was a serious problem at the national level. When asked why they thought so, some said they had heard of fraud in the media, while others cited local rumors. Some said it was just human nature.

In fact, personal identification was once widespread in Northern Ireland, which is why the province has required identification since 1985. It is extremely rare elsewhere in the UK. If someone shows up at a polling station and finds that their name has already been crossed out, they will receive a “written out” ballot. Only 1,359 of them were issued in the December 2019 general election out of a constituency of 47.5 million, and ballots cast are issued for other reasons as well. Personal fraud was alleged 33 times that year, resulting in a conviction and a warning.

Still, the government judges the threat to the democratic process to be sufficient to warrant a major change in electoral rules. On May 11, she announced that she would legally require personal voters to produce photo identification. This is more difficult in the UK, where people do not need to carry ID, than in countries where they do. Driving licenses and passports are accepted. This also applies to the bus passes of pensioners and the “blue badges” held by disabled people. Anyone without an approved photo ID can apply for a free card.

Such a change would not stop many people from voting. Seven local authorities asked voters for various forms of identification in May 2019 after warning they would do so. On average, 0.4% of potential voters who were asked for ID did not show it, were turned away and did not return to the polling station.

But many more could come to the conclusion that voting has become too cumbersome and no longer cares. “Not everyone is as excited about elections as we are,” says Jess Garland of the Electoral Reform Society, who speaks out against the change. Each effect is likely to be uneven. A poll for the government found that 10% of non-whites were less likely to vote in person if they had to show photo identification, compared with 5% of whites.

This article appeared in the UK section of the print edition under the heading “The End of Innocence”.

Prompt Pot American-Fashion Beef Goulash With Macaroni

Cookbook author Gina Homolka points out that this is not the Hungarian goulash she ate with her immigrant father. Rather, it’s an instant pot version of Americanized goulash that appeared in U.S. kitchens in the 1900s, and it’s a cross between a healthier hamburger helper and mac and cheese. The macaroni, wholemeal or gluten-free, cooks in the multi-cooker. Homolka recommends using 90 percent lean ground beef, ground beef, or turkey. If you prefer, substitute mozzarella or parmesan cheese. Since this recipe is mild, you can add heat with shredded red pepper flakes, chopped serrano pepper, or black pepper if desired.

This recipe was tested with a 3 liter instant pot. The amount of liquid is enough to work in a 6 or 8 liter model.

Storage instructions: Leftovers can be refrigerated for up to 3 days.

Servings: 2 4 6 12 18

6

Tested size: 6 servings

ingredients
  • 1/2 teaspoon of olive oil

  • 1 medium yellow onion (about 8 ounces), chopped

  • 1 pound of lean ground beef

  • 2 teaspoons of sweet paprika

  • 3/4 teaspoon kosher salt

  • 1 red or orange bell pepper (about 4 ounces), pitted and chopped

  • 3 cloves of garlic, chopped or finely grated

  • 1 tablespoon Worcestershire sauce

  • 1 teaspoon dried oregano (optional)

  • 1/2 teaspoon of crushed red pepper flakes (optional)

  • One (15 ounce) can of tomato sauce

  • One (14 1/2 ounce) can diced tomato

  • 1 3/4 cups low-sodium beef broth

  • 8 ounces elbow macaroni

  • 1 bay leaf

  • 3/4 cup (3 ounce) shredded hot cheddar cheese, plus more to serve

  • Chopped fresh parsley leaves for serving (optional)

Directions

Set a programmable multi-cooker (e.g. an Instant Pot) to SAUTE. Let the saucepan heat for 2 minutes then add the oil and onion and cook, stirring occasionally, for about 5 minutes, until it becomes soft and brown. Add the beef, paprika, and salt and cook, stirring occasionally, cutting the meat into small pieces until it is no longer pink (about 4 minutes).

Add paprika, garlic, Worcestershire sauce, oregano, and pepper flakes and cook, stirring occasionally, for about 5 minutes until fragrant and soft. Add tomato sauce, tomatoes, broth, macaroni and bay leaf and stir.

Cover the device and make sure the steam valve is closed. Select PRESSURE (HIGH) and set 5 minutes. (It takes about 10 minutes for the appliance to be pressurized before cooking starts.)

To manually release the pressure, move the pressure relief handle to the “Prime” position, cover your hand with a towel, and make sure to keep your hand and face away from the vent when the steam wears off.

Cover the goulash with the cheddar, cover and let rest for about 2 minutes until the cheese has melted. Garnish with parsley if used and serve either in a large family-style bowl or in individual bowls with additional cheese on the side if desired.

NOTE: To do this on the stove: In a large saucepan or Dutch oven with a lid over medium heat, follow the instructions above to the point of pressure cooking. Reduce the heat to medium, cover the ingredients, and cook for 20-25 minutes, or until the pasta is tender and most of the liquid has been absorbed. Add the cheese, cover until the cheese has melted (about 2 minutes) and serve with parsley.

Recipe source

Adapted from “Skinnytaste One and Done” by Gina Homolka and Heather K. Jones (Clarkson Potter, 2018).

Tested by Ann Maloney.

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